Language English Back to Top. Restrictions to Access No restrictions. Open for research. Copyright Notice Copyright is retained by the authors of items in these papers, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], in the Matt W. Acquisitions Information Received from Mrs. Angus A. McKellar of Chapel Hill, N. Sensitive Materials Statement Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, the North Carolina Public Records Act N.
Researchers are advised that the disclosure of certain information pertaining to identifiable living individuals represented in this collection without the consent of those individuals may have legal ramifications e. Back to Top. African Americans--North Carolina.
African Americans--Politics and governmentth century. Agriculture and politics--Southern States--Historyth century. Agriculture--North Carolina--Historyth century. Anthony, Susan B. Susan Brownell , Cleveland, Grover, Cotton growing--North Carolina--Historyth century. Democratic Party N. Diplomatic and consular service, American--Mexico. Legislators--United States--Historyth century. Mexico--Foreign relations--United States. North Carolina--Politics and government Plantation owners--North Carolina.
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Ransom Slave by Richard Andrews
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Matt W. Folder Folder 1 Folder 2 Folder 3 Folder 4. Correspondence and related materials, , Series: "Papers, It next turns its focus to the trans-regional Jewish philanthropic networks based in Venice but reaching from Amsterdam to Fez and from Vilnius to Cairo, which raised money for their ransom and helped in their resettlement. Though plagued by tensions, financial exploitation, and a chronic lack of funds, this ransoming and resettlement effort encouraged the development of a dense web of economic, social, and cultural interactions that crossed political borders and connected the regions of the eastern Mediterranean in ways hitherto unconsidered.
He has written widely on the economic, social, and cultural history of the Jews in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. This event is taking place in conjunction with the Mellon Sawyer "Displacement and the Making of the Modern World" series. The region along the north Atlantic Coast, with its extensive development of commerce and industry, had the largest concentration of urban population in the United States; roughly one-third of the population of the nine states defined as the Northeast in Table 2 lived in urban counties.
In the South, the picture was very different. Cotton cultivation with slave labor did not require local financial services or nearby manufacturing activities that might generate urban activities. The 11 states of the Confederacy had only 51 urban counties and they were widely scattered throughout the region. Western agriculture with its emphasis on foodstuffs encouraged urban activity near to the source of production.
These centers were not necessarily large; indeed, the West had roughly the same number of large and mid-sized cities as the South. However there were far more small towns scattered throughout settled regions of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan than in the Southern landscape. Economic policy had played a prominent role in American politics since the birth of the republic in With the formation of the Whig Party in the s, a number of key economic issues emerged at the national level.
To illustrate the extent to which the rise of urban centers and increased market activity in the North led to a growing crisis in economic policy, historians have re-examined four specific areas of legislative action singled out by Beard and Hacker as evidence of a Congressional stalemate in Egnal ; Ransom and Sutch ; ; Bensel ; McPherson Land Policy. Settlement of western lands had always been a major bone of contention for slave and free-labor farms. The manner in which the federal government distributed land to people could have a major impact on the nature of farming in a region.
Northerners wanted to encourage the settlement of farms which would depend primarily on family labor by offering cheap land in small parcels. Southerners feared that such a policy would make it more difficult to keep areas open for settlement by slaveholders who wanted to establish large plantations. The bill passed, but President Buchanan vetoed it. Bensel Transportation Improvements. The need for government- sponsored improvements was particularly urgent in the Great Lakes region Egnal The appearance of the railroad in the s gave added support for those advocating government subsidies to promote transportation.
The bill that best illustrates the regional disputes on transportation was the Pacific Railway Bill of , which proposed a transcontinental railway link to the West Coast. The bill failed to pass the House, receiving no votes from congressmen representing districts of the South where there was a significant slave population Bensel The Tariff. Southerners, with their emphasis on staple agriculture and need to buy goods produced outside the South, strongly objected to the imposition of duties on imported goods.
Manufacturers in the Northeast, on the other hand, supported a high tariff as protection against cheap British imports. People in the West were caught in the middle of this controversy. However the tariff was also the main source of federal revenue at this time, and Westerners needed government funds for the transportation improvements they supported in Congress. Southerners complained that even this level of protection was excessive and that it was one more example of the willingness of the West and the North to make economic bargains at the expense of the South Ransom and Sutch ; Egnal Banks were a relatively new economic institution at this point in time, and opinions were sharply divided over the degree to which the federal government should regulate banks.
In the Northeast, where over 60 percent of all banks were located, there was strong support by for the creation of a system of banks that would be chartered and regulated by the federal government.
But in the South, which had little need for local banking services, there was little enthusiasm for such a proposal. Here again, the western states were caught in the middle. The growth of an urbanized market society in the North produced more than just a legislative program of political economy that Southerners strongly resisted.
Several historians have taken a much broader view of the market revolution and industrialization in the North. A leading historian of the Civil War, James McPherson, argues that Southerners were correct when they claimed that the revolutionary program sweeping through the North threatened their way of life ; James Huston carries the argument one step further by arguing that Southerners were correct in their fears that the triumph of this coalition would eventually lead to an assault by Northern politicians on slave property rights.
Physical and mental torture
All this provided ample argument for those clamoring for the South to leave the Union in But why did the North fight a war rather than simply letting the unhappy Southerners go in peace? Still, war is always a gamble, and with the neither the costs nor the benefits easily calculated before the fact, leaders are often tempted to take the risk. The evidence above certainly lent strong support for those arguing that it made sense for the South to fight if a belligerent North threatened the institution of slavery.
An economic case for the North is more problematic.
A Ransom for Many
However, Gerald Gunderson points out that if, as many historians argue, Northern Republicans were intent on controlling the spread of slavery, then a war to keep the South in the Union might have made sense. Allowing the South to leave the Union would mean that the North could no longer control the expansion of slavery anywhere in the Western Hemisphere Ransom ; Ransom and Sutch ; Weingast ; Weingast ; Wolfson That is not to say that either side wanted war — for economic or any other reason.
In part this reflects the enormous effort expended by both sides to conduct the war. What was the cost of this conflict? The most comprehensive effort to answer this question is the work of Claudia Goldin and Frank Lewis ; The Goldin and Lewis estimates of the costs of the war are presented in Table 3. The costs are divided into two groups: the direct costs which include the expenditures of state and local governments plus the loss from destruction of property and the loss of human capital from the casualties; and what Goldin and Lewis term the indirect costs of the war which include the subsequent implications of the war after Indirect Costs:.
Total Costs of the War. Source: Ransom, 51, Table ; Goldin and Lewis. While these figures are only a very rough estimate of the actual costs, they provide an educated guess as to the order of magnitude of the economic effort required to wage the war, and it seems likely that if there is a bias, it is to understate the total.